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By Richard Handler

Contemporary proposals for 'dialogic' narrative ask anthropologists now not simply to incorporate the voices of others of their ethnographic narratives, yet explicitly to percentage 'ethnographic authority' with them. but one of these method is probably not compatible for narrations approximately realities one desires to discover seriously. for instance, the research of nationalist politics finds a collection of simple presuppositions in regards to the nature of tradition that the majority anthropologists percentage with nationalist ideologues. subsequently to proportion narrative authority easily traps ethnographic writers in a discourse from which they could have to distance themselves.

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Extra info for On Dialogue and Destructive Analysis: Problems in Narrating Nationalism and Ethnicity

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36 The Foreign Secretary’s office authorized the formal government warning from London, penning into the margins, “This seems to be a case in which action should certainly be taken. ”37 True to prediction, the poem was included by its author, ‘Ali al-Ghayati,38 in a book named Wataniyati (My Patriotism) and smuggled into India within a year. 39 The publishing of al-Ghayati’s poem on August 25, 1909, was neither the first nor the last time that Jawish would annoy the Egyptian Government. Even as the warning concerning the Dhingra article was being issued, proceedings were being conducted against him for other articles he had penned or authorized in his capacity as editor of al-Liwa and its European-language versions, The Standard and L’Etendard.

32 The Entente Cordiale of 1904 thus came as a shock to the nationalists and underlined the fact that Egypt remained as only a bargaining chip to Europe. 24 EGYPTIAN-INDIAN NATIONALIST COLLABORATION Like al-Muayyad, Kamil’s al-Liwa also reflected the general loyalty of Egyptians to the Ottoman Empire and the sense that Egypt’s identity was closely tied to being a Muslim country. Despite Kamil’s claim that he and the Copts shared a common cause, his speeches to the Egyptians were often replete with religious references and appeals for Islamic solidarity and pride.

16 Until 1914, the legal fiction that Egypt remained a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire was maintained by all, including the Sultan. As far as Egyptian and even most Western historiography is concerned, the British entered Egypt in 1882 and lost control of it seventy years later in 1952. Thus, although Egyptian nationalists date the beginning of their struggle from 1881 with the occurrence of the ‘Urabi Revolution against foreign intervention and Turco-Circassian supremacy, from the next year onwards, the enemy was the British Occupation.

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