Download Old-Age Security in Comparative Perspective by John B. Williamson PDF

By John B. Williamson

This paintings makes wide use of 7 well-developed old case experiences describing the evolution of public old-age defense in commercial international locations (Germany, uk, Sweden, and the us) and constructing countries (Brazil, Nigeria, and India). The authors specialize in specifying contexts during which common theoretical views can be utilized to account for those advancements. one of many few reviews which integrates historic and quantitative information, this available paintings will end up useful to scholars and researchers of the welfare kingdom, getting older coverage, and comparative sociology.

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The democratic form of corporatism34 is illustrated by countries such as Austria and Sweden. Democratic corporatism refers to formal or informal statesanctioned structures that foster collaboration between labor and capital. In these countries labor has been organized at the national level into very powerful union centrals. Employers are also organized into highly centralized organizations representing their interests. 35 Labor's participation in democratic corporatism is voluntary, not imposed.

During the post-World War II era Germany1 introduced a number of policy innovations that have served as models for other nations. Of particular note in this context are the reforms of 1957, 1972, and 1989. German public pension policy, while noteworthy for the high degree of continuity over the past 100 years, has also proven to be important for its innovations. The German case is also important for theoretical reasons. In recent years the state-centered perspective has emerged as one of the most promising alternatives to the neo-Marxist and social democratic perspectives on welfare state development.

But even with this state contribution, the scheme had very little redistributive impact (Baldwin 1989, p. 23). The German old-age pension system was compulsory for covered categories of workers. At the outset it covered approximately 40 percent of employed workers, primarily blue-collar workers, but also low-wage white-collar employees. By 1895 approximately 54 percent of the economically active population was covered by the program (Esping-Andersen, Rainwater, and Rein 1988, p. 22 The program was administered by a decentralized set of committees composed of both employers and employees; these committees were required to work within a set of strict government guidelines (Kaim-Caudle 1973, p.

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