By Himani Bannerji, Shahrzad Mojab, Judith Whitehead
Unique in its process, this number of essays examines estate kin, ethical rules bearing on gender, and nationalism in India, Kurdistan, eire, and Finland. based round six case stories, the participants mix an research of gender with a dialectical exam of sophistication and patriarchy to bare how those kin became built in contemporary nationalist movements.
Offering a substitute for post-colonial and post-structuralist formulations of gender and nationalism, the amount highlights the connections and convergences in issues of estate, propriety, and gender between ideologically comparable nationalist pursuits, and indicates how ideological similarities and adjustments have to be understood sooner than analysing the gender symbolism and patriarchal relatives of nationalist histories.
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Additional info for Of Property and Propriety: The Role of Gender and Class in Imperialism and Nationalism
6 The epistemology of this cultural nationalism relies upon anti-marxist, anti-democratic, and generally anti-egalitarian (including anti-feminist) conceptual frameworks. Sumit Sarkar, in Writing Social History (1997b), while discussing the dependence of current historiography on non-materialist cultural theories and its political implications, remarks on this phenomenon in the Indian context. Commenting on the historiography of the subaltern studies group, Sarkar notices in their writings a theoretically engineered separation between class and culture, history and social organization, leading to a cultural overdetermination.
Such nationalist cultural patriarchal exercises, speaking in the language of identity, collectivity, and community, have helped to deflect critical attention from structural relations of property and class. These enunciated nationalist moralities encapsulate both a particularizing and an essentialist move. The current hindu right in India has further developed the patriarchal cultural configurations evolved by the hindu revivalists of the nineteenth century as a national imaginary. The consequences of this move in terms of secularism, individual rights, and democratic citizenship, especially with regard to the disenfranchisement of women and minorities, make it imperative that we understand this type of cultural nationalist theorization.
Kurdish anti-colonial nationalism was and is perhaps unique in terms of the number of hegemonic states it has had to confront, including in the nineteenth century the Ottoman Empire, Britain and France, Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. After World War I, the United States can be included in this list. Perhaps, due to the lack of any open political space, Kurdish nationalists had to confront religion, Turkish nationalism, and the Ottoman state simultaneously. Kurdish nationalist campaigns of both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries made many concessions to feudal tribalism, a historical legacy which even today poses tremendous problems for Kurdish women's organizations.