By Oliver Zimmer
Whereas nationalism had develop into politically major good earlier than the overdue 19th century, it used to be among 1890 and 1940 that it printed its political explosiveness and damaging strength. With a In Nationalism in Europe, Oliver Zimmer rigorously examines key concerns from this time, resembling: the modernity of countries and nationalism, the formation of the nationalizing kingdom and the importance of nationwide ritual for contemporary mass international locations, the ways that nationalism formed the remedy of minorities, the connection among nationalism and fascism, and the belief of nationalism through liberals and socialists. Zimmer's account is extra explicitly keen on conceptual concerns than so much texts at the topic, and in addition extra historic and historiographical than some of the latest theoretical overviews. the result's an incisive exam of the main strong ideology of contemporary occasions.
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Extra info for Nationalism in Europe, 1890-1940 (Studies in European History)
The role of prominent scholars like Heinrich von Treitschke (1834–96), Max Weber (1864–1920) and Theodor Mommsen (1817–1903) in shaping the national consciousness of Germany’s educated middle classes is well documented. In France, historians were much more directly involved in the state’s project of mass education. The French historian Ernest Lavisse (1842–1922), for example, the author of the famous basic history textbook popularly known as the Petit 36 Lavisse, named the return of Alsace as one of the prime inspirations for his own educational mission: Since that dreadful year [1870–1] I have never for one minute given up hope.
Smith has advocated a sharp separation of ethnocentrism and nationalism. While ethnocentrism represents a near-universal phenomenon that can be found in most ancient kingdoms, nationalism, Smith insists, is a thoroughly modern phenomenon [49: ch. 1]. More recently, John Breuilly has made the point that broad definitions of nationalism lead to the creation of an ‘impossibly large subject’. He therefore suggests that nationalism, as a concept, should be restricted to those statements ‘which make the idea of a peculiar nation explicit’ and make it ‘the foundation of all political claims’ [28: p.
Insofar as existing symbols and sentiments or proto-national community could be mobilized behind a modern cause or a modern state’ [40: p. 77]. Such memories of pre-modern statehood aided the mobilisation of a number of national movements, including those of Hungary, Poland, Russia, Bohemia, Greece and Serbia. In some cases, these patriotic memories were confined to relatively small elites. Yet in other cases – certainly in Poland, Russia and Bohemia – they were kept alive by what might be regarded as the most powerful of all pre-modern institutions: church and priesthood.