Nationalism

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By Scott L. Greer

Scotland and Catalonia, either historic countries with robust nationalisms inside of higher states, are exemplars of the administration of ethnic clash in multinational democracies and of world developments towards local govt. targeting those international locations, Scott L. Greer explores why nationalist mobilization arose while it did and why it stopped at autonomy instead of statehood. He demanding situations the inspiration that nationwide id or institutional layout explains their relative good fortune as sturdy multinational democracies and argues that the hot button is their powerful nearby societies and their nearby companies' personal tastes for autonomy and environmental balance

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Two Stateless Nations 37 CONCLUSION The convergence of the dissimilar countries Scotland and Catalonia on a specific model of autonomy—approximately that of an independent administrator of social policy—is no accident. The particular balance between regional self-assertion and submersion in a single state, as well as the particular details of what these regions can and cannot do, are both results of the political processes that create them. The interaction of institutionalized regional and state organizational networks with social movement mobilization produces both the move to autonomy and the blocks to further autonomy or independence.

Back in Scotland, the Scottish Enlightenment changed world intellectual history, with people such as Adam Ferguson, Adam Smith, and David Hume at work in Edinburgh and Glasgow. Scotland, like other parts of the UK, would become a highly specialized part of the imperial metropole, with its own strong industrial base and also specializing in trade and related sectors such as finance and shipbuilding. Its particular parts of the economy would, however, decline faster than other parts of the UK; Scotland’s ability to capture the added value of its products and the benefits of empire was not as great as that of the magnetic conurbation of London, and, like other regions engaged in the work of Britain’s great nineteenth century (Manchester, Liverpool, Newcastle, South Wales), it would decline in the twentieth alongside the empire while London moved on to become a worldwide financial and service sector center.

Their shift to support for devolution brought mainstream Scottish politics and the Labour Party along— antidevolutionists were deprived of regional resources while devolutionists now enjoyed strong support from regional organizations. In Catalonia, the experience of dictatorship from Madrid, atop more than a century of unsatisfying Spanish politics, created a pool of frustrated Catalan regional organizations and elites who sought their own organizational stability and autonomy via Catalan regional autonomy.

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