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Download Modern Slavery: The Margins of Freedom by Julia O'Connell Davidson PDF

By Julia O'Connell Davidson

There are 35 million 'slaves' within the modern international in keeping with new abolitionist campaigners, yet in a global the place no one is legally ascribed the prestige 'slave' and lots of are oppressed and exploited, who qualifies for this appellation and why?
This e-book brings the literature on transatlantic slavery into discussion with learn on casual zone labour, baby labour, migration, debt, the criminal commercial complicated, and intercourse paintings within the modern international on the way to problem obtained rules and renowned and coverage discourses of injustice and discomfort, which fail to take care of structural inequalities and recommend that sufferers are totally eviscerated of will. In political existence, the booklet argues, the determine of the 'modern slave' and her extraordinary anguish is labored to guard the pursuits of the privileged instead of to rework the platforms of domination equivalent to race, caste, classification, gender and nationality, which usually limit individual's rights. 'Modern slavery' is a discourse of depoliticisation.

Calling for extra severe political debates concerning the restrict of freedoms within the modern global, this booklet presents a distinct, severe standpoint of violence, injustice and exploitation in glossy society.

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Extra info for Modern Slavery: The Margins of Freedom

Sample text

To determine, in law, a case of slavery, one must look for possession’ (Allain, 2012: 376). In this view, slavery is always defined by possession and its associated elements of control, violence, and exploitation. 1 below. Today, the law does not authorize ‘slave’ as status, but it can still be used to score a line between slaves and non-slaves, again through reference to possession. 2. Legalistic definitions of slavery as ownership have been subject to extensive critique by slavery scholars in anthropology, history, sociology and philosophy, but before turning to these criticisms, I want to draw attention to some problems with the de facto–de jure distinction on which the new abolitionism relies by turning it on its head and thinking about the de facto freedoms of de jure slaves.

It did not ring in liberty for all humanity, however, for the liberal social contract contained certain subcontracts or exclusion clauses. As famously identified by Carole Pateman (1988), there was a ‘sexual contract’ behind the social contract, one that afforded propertied men ‘the right to rule over their women in the private, domestic sphere’, even as they themselves were granted civil freedom and equality ‘within the public, political sphere’ (Yuval-Davis, 1997: 79). The social order of the liberal imaginary: contains a double separation of the private and public: the class division between civil society and the state (between economic man and citizen, between private enterprise and the public power); and 22 Modern Slavery the patriarchal separation between the private family and the public world of civil society/state.

Nor was it especially lucrative. And yet it did give these slave women access to the market and equip them with purchasing power (even if such power was meagre), something that allowed them ‘control over their social body and to transcend their fixed place in the established social order’ (Diaz, 2006: 31). To the displeasure of some of their contemporaries, women would sometimes use the proceeds of the sale of copper ‘to embellish their bodies’, acquiring goods and adopting dressing practices that were considered inappropriate and ‘arrogant’ in slaves (Diaz, 2006: 31).

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