By A., Alaa Al-Din Arafat
As Mubarak's regimenearing its finish turns into a robust hazard, many pressures, either overseas and household, are coming to endure on Egypt to convey democratic reforms to this suffering state. within the Mubarak management and way forward for Democracy in Egypt , Alaa Al-Din Arafat reports this new period and the stumbling blocks that has to be overcome.
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Extra info for Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt
Under Sadat, it had been little more than a supporting chorus for the president, a party whose members were people trying to promote their careers in government. Many Egyptians believed that NDP membership was a condition for holding public office. Lacking an ideology or a record of public service, the NDP’s leadership had only patronage as a tool for winning their constituency, and so it traded material benefits for the votes of the electorate. A natural target of this patronage was the business community.
Lacking an ideology or a record of public service, the NDP’s leadership had only patronage as a tool for winning their constituency, and so it traded material benefits for the votes of the electorate. A natural target of this patronage was the business community. Many of Sadat’s rent-seeking cronies such as Othman and Mustafa Khalil were already members of the party. Likewise, many of Mubarak’s rent-seeking cronies such as Ahmed ‘Azz, Mohamed Abu Al-‘Anein, and Hossam Al-Badrawi are members of the party.
This tactic, approved by Mubarak, intentionally fragmented the party. The internal election process also mapped out the party’s real membership. 44 Although the restructuring reshuff led the elites like a game of musical chairs, it did in fact push young blood into the ranks, particularly those born in the 1960s and living in Egypt’s rural areas. They viewed the old guard with disrespect and tried to challenge them in their areas. However, the internal elections drew attention to the NDP’s weak organizational structure.