By Ryan C. Hendrickson
NATO is an alliance reworked. initially created to confront Soviet aggression, the North Atlantic Treaty association advanced within the Nineteen Nineties as an army alliance with a broader time table. even if carrying out wrestle operations within the Balkans or protecting Turkey from an Iraqi chance in 2003, NATO maintains to stand new safeguard demanding situations on numerous fronts.
even though a few stories have addressed NATO’s ancient evolution, conceptual alterations, and armed forces actions, none has thought of the position during this transformation of the secretary common, who's frequently noticeable as a minor participant working lower than critical political constraints. In international relations and warfare at NATO, Ryan C. Hendrickson examines the 1st 4 post–Cold conflict secretaries basic and establishes their roles in relocating the alliance towards army motion. Drawing on interviews with former NATO ambassadors, alliance army leaders, and senior NATO officers, Hendrickson exhibits that those leaders performed severe roles while army strength was once used and have been frequently instrumental in selling transatlantic consensus.
Hendrickson bargains a spotlight on genuine international relations inside NATO unequalled through the other research, offering formerly unreported bills of closed periods of the North Atlantic Council to teach how those 4 leaders differed of their affects at the alliance yet have been all severe avid gamers in explaining how and whilst NATO used strength. He examines Manfred Wörner’s position in relocating the alliance towards army motion within the Balkans; Willy Claes’s impact in shaping alliance guidelines concerning NATO’s 1995 bombing crusade at the Bosnian Serbs; Javier Solana’s half in shaping political and army agendas within the Yugoslavian warfare; and George Robertson’s efforts to advertise consensus at the Iraqi factor, which culminated in NATO’s selection to supply Turkey with army protecting measures. via every one case, Hendrickson demonstrates that the secretary common is usually the imperative diplomat in producing cooperation inside of NATO.
because the alliance has elevated its club and undertaken new peacekeeping missions, it now confronts new threats in overseas defense. international relations and struggle at NATO bargains readers a extra whole realizing of the alliance’s post–Cold warfare transformation in addition to coverage options for the advance of transatlantic tensions.
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Extra info for Diplomacy and War at NATO: The Secretary General and Military Action After the Cold War
55 The Soviet Union’s decision on December 25, 1979, to invade 53. S. Department of Defense official at NATO, interview with author, June 17, 2003. ” 54. Burnett interview, May 31, 2005. 55. Alexander M. Haig Jr. with Charles McCarry, Inner Circles: How America Changed the World: A Memoir (New York: Warner Books, 1992), 523–24; Morris NATO’s Cold War Secretary General 33 Afghanistan presents a telling case of NATO’s inability to find common ground, despite even the dire actions of its primary nemesis.
Lemnitzer and General Andrew J. Goodpaster. Lemnitzer viewed his SACEUR leadership role as being in “military” affairs only, somewhat akin to the view of General Greunther, which again limited the SACEUR’s influence and willingness to engage in “political” leadership of the alliance. Such an approach was markedly different from General Norstad’s. Yet Lemnitzer was cognizant of the power, authority, and history of NATO’s strong SACEUR, and still worked to project that image. 46 Lemnitzer’s authority was also clearly damaged by de Gaulle’s “extraction” decision in 1966.
63. Abshire, Preventing World War III, 75–76. 36 Diplomacy and War at NATO were seeking open discussions of how these proposals would affect the alliance and their own security, discussions that the United States resisted at the time. 64 Much evidence suggests that like Secretary General Brosio, Carrington handled internal crises well. Yet despite the high regard that some have for Carrington, he too was limited in his ability to lead the alliance. One noteworthy example is the Reagan administration’s April 14, 1986, decision, made without any consultation in Brussels, to authorize air and naval strikes on Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi in response to a previous terrorist incident at a German nightclub.