By David Skinns
This e-book indicates how the final effect of the penal coverage schedule of the Coalition executive 2010-2015 has now not ended in the meant 'rehabilitation revolution', yet austerity, outsourcing and punishment, certain the following as 'punitive managerialism'.
The coverage of austerity has ended in major price range cuts in felony reduction and courtroom companies which threaten justice. It has additionally ended in staffing discounts and overcrowding within the criminal approach which threaten order and feature undermined extra optimistic paintings with prisoners. The outsourcing of criminal and community-based criminal companies relies on untried procedure with doubtful effects. The shift in orientation in the direction of punishment is regrettable since it is largely adverse. The publication notes that this circulation to punitive managerialism is found within the broader pattern in the direction of neo-liberalism. It concludes through trying to articulate the parameters of an inexpensive and emotionally pleasing but humane and rational penal policy.>
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Extra info for Coalition Government Penal Policy 2010–2015: Austerity, Outsourcing and Punishment
Since this time crime and criminal justice have become politically contested terrains on which the political parties compete for electoral advantage, leading to the penal policy equivalent of an arms’ race. Furthermore, because of the salience of crime and its immediate presence, governments, as some criminologists have argued, have tried to govern through crime. There is a duty on politicians to not knowingly contribute to moral panics and on the public to evince a degree of scepticism about the claims of both politicians and news media regarding crime waves.
He made two essential points. Firstly, the sense of unease was not peculiar to prisons but aﬀected other aspects of the penal system too (courts, probation service). Many others have argued that the crisis extends beyond the penal system to the whole of the criminal justice system, if not society as a whole. Secondly, the nature of the crisis was not based on shortages of material resource alone, but was also a matter concerning the legitimacy of the penal system for the public, staﬀ and oﬀenders.
There is a duty on politicians to not knowingly contribute to moral panics and on the public to evince a degree of scepticism about the claims of both politicians and news media regarding crime waves. The third point concerns the need to recognize the marginalizing impact of interacting life chances both within and between generations. This means that penal policy should be critically examined in order to reduce unnecessary marginalizing impacts. The consequence of such impacts, at the interface of patterns of social and criminal injustice, pro- 3 Assessing Penal Policy 37 duces the ampliﬁcation of vulnerability and the overrepresentation of some social groups (ethnic minorities, the mentally ill, the poor) in the criminal justice system, a matter which has stimulated some government action via Section 95 of the Criminal Justice Act 1991, which required the Secretary of State for the Home Oﬃce to publish statistics which can be used to avoid discrimination on the basis of ‘race or sex or any other improper ground’ (S95 (1) (b) Criminal Justice Act 1991) and the Equality Act 2010 (Part 11, Chapter 1 and Schedule 19), which, amongst other things, requires all public authorities to address equality impacts of actions and policies and came into force in April 2011.