By Scott A. Bollens
Towns, Nationalism, and Democratization presents a theoretically educated, practice-oriented account of intercultural clash and co-existence in towns. Bollens makes use of a wide-ranging set of over a hundred interviews with neighborhood political and neighborhood leaders to enquire how renowned city rules can set off 'pushes from under' that aid geographical regions tackle social and political demanding situations. The ebook brings the town and the city scale into modern debates approximately democratic differences in ethnically different nations. It connects the town, on conceptual and pragmatic degrees, to 2 top problems with this day – the lifestyles of competing and in all probability harmful nationalistic allegiances and the constraints of democracy in multinational societies. Bollens unearths that towns and urbanists will not be inevitably hemmed in by means of ethnic clash and political gridlock, yet should be proactive brokers that stimulate the growth of societal normalization. The fuller capability of towns is of their skill to catalyze multinational democratization. Alternately, if towns are left unprotected and unmanaged, ethnic antagonists can fragment the city’s collective pursuits in ways in which decelerate and confine the development of sustainable democracy. This e-book might be useful to students, overseas organisations, and grassroots agencies in figuring out why and the way the peace-constitutive urban emerges at times whereas it really is lost and missed in others.
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Extra resources for Cities, Nationalism and Democratization (Questioning Cities)
As a way to increase their chances economically and socially, a significant number of native Spanish-speaking persons have adopted a dual Catalan-Spanish identity (Institut d’Estudis Regionals i Metropolitans, 2002a). Since the Universal Exposition in 1888, Catalonia has had three major waves of Spanish immigrants—at the end of the nineteenth century, in the 1920s, and during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. 4 million immigrants moved into Catalonia (Cabre and Pujades 1988). Vilanova, professor of political science, University of Barcelona, interview).
Because these group rights are connected to potent ideological content, the ability to exercise these rights can be viewed as a critical barometer by an ethnic group of an urban government’s treatment of their rights. Psychological needs pertaining to group viability and cultural identity can be as important as objective needs pertaining to land, housing, and economic opportunities. Urban public policy can affect important forms of ethnic expression through its influence on public education (particularly dealing with language) or through its regulatory control over the urban side-effects (such as noise or traffic disruption) of religious observances.
The cultural Renaissance (Renaixenca) beginning in the mid-1800s that sought to rediscover Catalan as a language had also provided a conservative traditionalist interpretation of the national homeland, wherein the rural hinterland emerges as the spiritual reserve of the country, the “real” Catalonia, in opposition to urban Catalonia and Barcelona (Etherington 2003). ” Such disequilibrium threatened rural- and small town-based Catalan nationalism by allowing outside influences to penetrate and erode the moral and social order of the fatherland (“la patria”).