By Milton Friedman
Within the vintage bestseller, Capitalism and Freedom, Milton Friedman provides his view of the right kind position of aggressive capitalism--the association of monetary job via inner most firm working in a loose market--as either a tool for reaching fiscal freedom and an important situation for political freedom. starting with a dialogue of rules of a liberal society, Friedman applies them to such continually urgent difficulties as financial coverage, discrimination, schooling, source of revenue distribution, welfare, and poverty."Milton Friedman is likely one of the nation's awesome economists, wonderful for extraordinary analytical powers and technical virtuosity. he's unfailingly enlightening, self reliant, brave, penetrating, and exceptionally, stimulating."-Henry Hazlitt, Newsweek"It is an extraordinary professor who enormously alters the contemplating his specialist colleagues. it really is a good rarer person who is helping remodel the realm. Friedman has performed both."-Stephen Chapman, Chicago Tribune
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Additional info for Capitalism and Freedom (Phoenix Books)
As in games, so also in society, most of the general conditions are the unintended outcome of custom, accepted unthinkingly. At most, we consider explicitly only minor modifications in them, though the cumulative effect of a series of minor modifications may be a drastic alteration in the character of the game or of the society. In both games and society also, no set of rules can prevail unless most participants most of the time conform to them without external sanctions; unless that is, there is a broad underlying social consensus.
There is probably no other area of economic activity with respect to which government action has been so uniformly accepted. This habitual and by now almost unthinking acceptance of governmental responsibility makes thorough understanding of the grounds for such responsibility all the more necessary, since it enhances the danger that the scope of government will spread from activities that are, to those that are not, appropriate in a free society, from providing a monetary framework to determining the allocation of resources among individuals.
But I think we cannot rule out the possibility that such charitable activities will be inadequate, if only because of the neighborhood effect involved in the fact that I benefit if another man contributes to the care of the insane. For this reason, we may be willing to arrange for their care through government. Children offer a more difficult case. The ultimate operative unit in our society is the family, not the individual. Yet the acceptance of the family as the unit rests in considerable part on expediency rather than principle.