By Stephen Kinzer
With breezy storytelling and diligent study, Kinzer has reconstructed the CIA's 1953 overthrow of the elected chief of Iran, Mohammad Mossadegh, who was once wildly well known at domestic for having nationalized his country's oil undefined.
The coup ushered within the lengthy and brutal dictatorship of Mohammad Reza Shah, extensively visible as a U.S. puppet and himself overthrown via the Islamic revolution of 1979. At its most sensible this paintings reads like a undercover agent novel, with code names and informants, middle of the night conferences with the monarch and a last-minute plot twist while the CIA's plan, known as Operation Ajax, approximately is going awry.
A veteran big apple instances international correspondent and the writer of books on Nicaragua (Blood of Brothers) and Turkey (Crescent and Star), Kinzer has combed memoirs, educational works, govt records and information tales to provide this blow-by-blow account. He exhibits that until eventually early in 1953, nice Britain and the Anglo-Iranian Oil corporation have been the imperialist baddies of this story. Intransigent within the face of Iran's calls for for a fairer proportion of oil gains and higher stipulations for staff, British international Secretary Herbert Morrison exacerbated stress along with his perspective that the problem from Iran was once, in Kinzer's phrases, "a uncomplicated topic of ignorant natives rebelling opposed to the forces of civilization." sooner than the quandary peaked, a high-ranking worker of Anglo-Iranian wrote to a superb that the company's alliance with the "corrupt ruling classes" and "leech-like bureaucracies" have been "disastrous, outmoded and impractical."
This stands as a textbook lesson in how to not behavior overseas policy.
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Extra info for All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror
She said she didn’t and wouldn’t read them. Instead of writing reports, the diplomats should “sell America,” she insisted. ”61 While our diplomats have become salesmen of a product that does not work, they will no doubt get the blame when foreigners remain unconvinced. The secretary of state does not care what foreigners think or want. She wants American diplomats to tell them what to think and what they need, and she expects that to succeed. That might work for those who think the world’s only superpower is all-powerful and should not care what the rest of the world wants.
J. Dionne, writing in the Washington Post, observed: Hand-wringing over extreme partisanship has become a popular cause among learned analysts. They operate from Olympian heights and strain for evenhandedness by issuing tut-tuts to all sides, Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives. But the evidence of recent days should settle the case: This administration has operated on the basis of a hyperpartisanship not seen in decades. 53 Not only so-called liberal newspapers like the Times and the Post observed the trend.
18 Administration officials were as wrong about the cost of the war as they were in their assertions that America would be greeted as a liberator. It is true that a couple of hundred demonstrators welcomed the American troops and took apparent pleasure in tearing down statues of Saddam Hussein; the other 27 million Iraqis did not bother to express their opinions, however. The proponents of the war, almost none of whom had ever seen combat or spent time in uniform, perhaps believed their own claims that the war would be quick and cheap.